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title: Democratic Confederalism
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A theory of democratic governance that rejects the nation-state as the appropriate unit of political organisation, building instead from the commune upward through nested councils — with gender co-governance and ecological sustainability as structural principles rather than policy add-ons. Currently operating as the governance framework of the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES/Rojava) and influencing autonomous community governance in Chiapas, Mexico.

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Democratic confederalism was developed by Abdullah Öcalan in a series of prison writings from 2004 onward, drawing explicitly on Murray Bookchin's **libertarian municipalism** — the theory that genuine democratic self-governance requires the city (or commune) as its base unit, not the nation-state, and that political ecology requires rethinking the relationship between human governance structures and natural systems.

The theory's core argument is that the nation-state is inherently centralist and tends toward monopoly of force, homogenisation of identity, and capture by dominant interests — regardless of whether it is governed democratically or not. The alternative is not a different kind of state but a different architecture: governance organised from the bottom up, at the smallest functional scale, with higher coordination bodies holding only delegated authority.

Öcalan's analytical framework identifies three interlocking systems of domination — **capitalism, the nation-state, and patriarchy** — that must be addressed simultaneously; reforming one while leaving the others intact reproduces the same structure in a different form. The three structural principles of democratic confederalism map directly onto this: gender liberation addresses patriarchy, radical decentralisation addresses the nation-state, and ecological sustainability addresses the extractivist logic of capitalism.

Three principles are structurally embedded rather than aspirational:

1. **Gender liberation** — not as a policy outcome but as an architectural requirement. Every governance body has mandatory co-leadership (one man, one woman); women's governance structures (like [Kongra Star](../organisations/kongreya-star.md)) hold parallel authority and can review mixed-body decisions. The theoretical basis is **Jineolojî** ("women's science") — a framework developed within the Kurdish women's movement arguing that patriarchy is structural in all existing social science, not just in practice. The argument is that any governance system that does not structurally prevent male dominance will reproduce it regardless of stated values.

2. **Radical decentralisation** — the commune (neighbourhood or village scale) is the base unit of political life. Decisions are made at the lowest viable level; higher bodies exist to coordinate, not to govern. Delegates are mandated (bound by their commune's position) rather than representative (free to exercise independent judgment).

3. **Ecological sustainability** — framed not as environmental policy but as a governance principle: human collective governance must be organised in a way that is compatible with ecological systems, not extractivist toward them.

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The connection between democratic confederalism and the Zapatista autonomous communities in Chiapas is direct and acknowledged. Öcalan cited the Zapatistas' *mandar obedeciendo* (governing by obeying) model in his writings; the [CIDECI-Unitierra](../organisations/cideci-unitierra.md) centre in San Cristóbal de las Casas has hosted exchanges between AANES delegations and Zapatista communities. Both systems share the non-statist commitment, the rotation-and-recall accountability mechanism, and the rejection of electoral participation as a primary governance mode.

What distinguishes AANES as a case study is scale and adversity. It governs a population of several million across ethnically diverse communities — Kurdish, Arab, Syriac, Armenian — in an active conflict zone, without international recognition, under sustained military pressure. That the governance structures have remained functional over more than a decade under these conditions is itself a significant data point, whatever assessment one makes of the political context.

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*DOD is non-partisan and agnostic to any specific democratic model; inclusion here is not an endorsement of any particular system or movement.*

## Further reading

- Wikipedia: [Democratic confederalism](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Democratic_confederalism)
- Murray Bookchin, *The Ecology of Freedom* (1982) and *Libertarian Municipalism* (1992)
- Abdullah Öcalan, *Democratic Confederalism* (2011) — short pamphlet, available in translation; the fuller philosophical argument is in *The Sociology of Freedom* (2020)
- Joost Jongerden and Ahmet Hamdi Akkaya, "Democratic Confederalism as a Kurdish Spring" (2012, *The Kurdish Spring*)
- Michael Knapp, Anja Flach, and Ercan Ayboga, *Revolution in Rojava* (2016) — detailed institutional account


## See also

- [TEV-DEM](../organisations/tev-dem.md)
- [Kongra Star](../organisations/kongreya-star.md)
- [CIDECI-Unitierra](../organisations/cideci-unitierra.md)
- [Utopian Realpolitik](utopian-realpolitik.md)
